Power and Resistance Homeless Men Negotiating Masculinity Review
Abstract
In recent years, the sexual assault of males has received growing attending both in the inquiry literature and among the public. Much of the research has focused on documenting prevalence rates or the psychological consequences of male sexual assault. Yet, this article aims to understand how men, as gendered, embodied and affective subjects, make sense of their experiences of sexual assault. In-depth interviews with ten adult males who have experienced sexual set on have been analyzed using a phenomenological approach in order to larn more about their lived and gendered experience. Four themes emerged from the assay: (a) alien feelings and difficult conceptualizations, (b) re-experiencing vulnerability, (c) emotional responses and resistance, and (d) disclosure and creativity. The findings suggest that the ways in which men navigate norms of masculinity shape the fashion they empathize, process and articulate their lived experience of sexual set on. As a way of coping with the feel and of healing from a past that is still present, the study participants perform an alternative masculine identity.
Introduction
Sexual violence is a widespread phenomenon and a major public health issue both internationally (WHO 2013) and in Sweden (NCK 2014). Female sexual set on is a well-established expanse of inquiry given its rate of prevalence. In contrast, male sexual set on receives less attending, but awareness is growing, particularly in lite of the recent revelations of child sexual abuse past Cosmic priests. Previous research on male sexual assault has often focused on specific forms of sexual violence, such as child sexual abuse (Alaggia and Millington 2008; Dube et al. 2005; Fergusson et al. 1996) or sexual assault in institutional settings (Scarce 1997; Wooden and Parker 1982) and in areas of armed conflict (Clark 2017; Sivakumaran 2007). Regardless of gender, studies evidence that sexual set on has a profound touch on the psychosocial well-being of the victims, who written report suffering from anxiety, depression, post-traumatic stress disorder, sexual dysfunction, self-harming behavior and suicidality (eastward.1000. Mouilso et al. 2010; Pegram and Abbey 2016; Peterson et al. 2011; Tewksbury 2007; Yuan et al. 2006). Although symptoms are documented as being similar, the cultural construction of gender has been identified equally playing a key function in the mode sexual assault is experienced, processed and manifested (Draucker 2003; Getz 2011). Norms of masculinity serve to accredit blame to sexually assaulted men, silencing the victims and hindering them from seeking formal support services (Walker et al. 2005). Rather than reducing the experience of sexual assault to various psychopathological impacts, this phenomenological study conducted in Sweden focuses on the lived experience of developed men who accept been sexually assaulted in babyhood and/or in adulthood. Past reflecting on their lives and the part that their history of sexual assail has played, the aim of the study is to sympathize how men brand sense of their feel of sexual assault equally gendered, embodied and affective subjects. How do notions of gender bear on the way men empathize, process and articulate their experiences of sexual assail? The narratives of the participants in this research offer insights into the lived experience of sexually assaulted men. These insights provide useful information for therapists, social workers and other professionals in their work to counsel and support sexually assaulted men.
Background
The term sexual assault, including child sexual abuse, refers to a form of sexual violence that ranges from unwanted touching to rape. Prevalence rates for male sexual set on indicate that such violations occur to a significant extent (Davies 2002; Larsen and Hilden 2016; Tewksbury 2007). According to a national survey carried out past the National Eye for Knowledge on Men'south Violence Against Women (NCK) in Sweden, four% of developed males have experienced completed or attempted forced sexual intercourse during childhood and ane% during adulthood. This means that, in Sweden, approximately 171,000 men are living with the experience of severe forms of sexual assault (NCK 2014). An annual national survey shows that the number of male rapes reported to the Swedish police is gradually increasing, and in 2017, the total number of reported cases reached 559 (Brå 2018).
Feminists have long argued that domestic and sexual violence is a manifestation of power and command (Brownmiller 1975; Dobash and Dobash 1979). Sexual assail is characterized past unilateral and coercive acts of violence committed without a person's consent, against someone unable to provide consent or against children. It includes at least two people, a perpetrator and a victim, concepts which in the current article are used only as situated-action terms and do not refer to identity (Renoux and Wade 2008). Violence is a tool used by the perpetrator to establish and control relations of ability, challenging the subjectivity of the victim. Callaghan et al. (2016) describe the institution of ability and the loss of subjectivity as two interrelated processes. Equally the power and command of the perpetrator increases, the world of the victim, including his or her notion of self within that earth, decreases, and vice versa. Therefore, many researchers and therapists focus on how victims resist violence, openly or secretly, in the moment the violence occurs or even several years later on (Kelly 1988; Scott 1990; Wade 1997). Moreover, studies suggest that men and women do not experience violence in similar ways. Different power and gender relations inherent in the context in which the violence occurs shape the two genders' respective experiences of violence (Sundaram et al. 2004), including how these experiences are candy, manifested and articulated long later the event (Draucker 2003; Getz 2011). The experience of sexual attack appears to be particularly hard for men, as it undermines their own sense of power and control and challenges their masculine identity (Kia-Keating et al. 2005).
Connell (1995, 2000, 2005) has investigated gender relations amidst men by applying a critical feminist analysis and has found that relationships betwixt men or groups of men are hierarchically organized. Hegemonic masculinity ideals characterize real men in western contexts as strong, sexually assertive, heterosexual, dominant, agile and in control of their emotions. Violence is an integral function of this masculinity and a ways of sustaining dominance or achieving condition. These ideals are institutionalized during the childhood years and in family and sexual relationships (Connell 1995; Messerschmidt 1999). Men who express emotion and vulnerability within the context of hegemonic masculinity are showing weakness, and weakness is associated with femininity. According to Connell (1995, 2005), white, middle-grade, heterosexual men set the normative standards of hegemonic masculinity, only only a few are able to practice it; others may in fact protestation, contest and resist it.
Being a male victim of sexual assail stands in contrast to hegemonic or conventional norms of masculinity. Co-ordinate to these gender norms, men are expected to seek and actively engage in sexual activity. If they are attacked, they are also expected to be able to defend themselves. Therefore, sexually assaulted men come to be seen equally feminized victims and sexual objects: damaged, weak, powerless and helpless in the face of sexual violence (Kwon et al. 2007). Conventional masculinity norms generate self-blaming attributions that shape and influence how men respond to the experience of sexual assault. Equally many studies have problematized, men rarely self-report or disclose their victimization (Davies 2002; Mezey and King 1989; Peterson et al. 2011; Turchik and Edwards 2012; Walker et al. 2005). This results in underreporting, late reporting and a lack of help-seeking behavior, which in turn mean that men are too less probable to receive formal support services, and instead rely on breezy networks (Freeland et al. 2016). Equally a effect, sexually assaulted men express greater difficulties in coping with and finding solutions in relation to experiences of sexual assault. Studies suggest that male victims are more likely than female victims to limited acrimony and hostility and to withdraw from social interaction (Peterson et al. 2011; Tewksbury 2007). Men too run a higher take a chance of abusing alcohol and other substances as a way of trying to cope with or suppress difficult memories and feelings (Alaggia and Millington 2008; Ratner et al. 2003). In fact, following exposure to violence and power, some men react by overemphasizing masculine attributes, for example by displaying hyperactive, hypersexual, overcontrolling, aggressive or vehement behavior (Lisak 1995). Many male victims of sexual assault feel long-term confusion regarding their sexual identity and orientation, questioning whether they are gay, why they attract other men or why they did not want sexual practice with a woman who wanted to have sexual practice with them (Davies 2002; Mezey and King 1989; Scarce 1997; Walker et al. 2005). According to a study by Struckman-Johnson and Struckman-Johnson (1994), male sexual assault victims tend to written report negative experiences mainly when the perpetrator is male. Since gender norms encourage men to seek and engage in sexual activities with women in any situation, sexual violations past female person perpetrators may rather exist interpreted equally sexual experiences. In one study, men reported sexual assaults perpetrated by women equally a "moderately upsetting" experience (Krahé et al. 2003, p. 169).
Notions of masculinity are non fixed just are multiple and flexible (Connell 2005). The male person responses to experience of sexual assault noted in many studies may be common in contexts characterized by more than conventional views about sexuality and gender. Every bit ethics of masculinity change and become more diverse, so too may the perceptions of those who have experienced sexual set on. An alternative and more comprehensive notion of how to exist manly in gimmicky club has been reported in various contexts in which the culture of homophobia and sexism is on the refuse and where it is also becoming more mutual to show emotion (Anderson 2005; McQueen 2017; Rafanell et al. 2017). Contrasting, conflicting and competing forms of masculinity tin can be encouraged, created and supported by organizations, institutions and culture (Anderson 2005). In Sweden, the transformation of the part of the male parent in parenting has been spurred by political interventions since the 1970s (Plantin 2001). Paid parental exit specifically reserved for fathers has shaped and influenced new ideas virtually how to be a man in Sweden. The dynamic notion of masculinity has also been addressed in the research literature on male person sexual assault. A number of studies demonstrate that resilient male person survivors of child sexual abuse renegotiate or rebel against masculinity ideals, redefining their perception of manhood and developing a greater range of emotional openness and intimacy (Crete and Singh 2015; Kia-Keating et al. 2005). A written report of sexually assaulted males in Ireland has followed a like path and demonstrates that victims in counselling may cull to prefer an culling masculinity by resisting stoicism (Forde and Duvvury 2017).
The experience of sexual set on is a subjective, embodied and lived experience. Viewed on the ground of Merleau-Ponty's work (1962), the body is not the objective body in its materialistic sense but rather the subjective and lived body as experienced past and every bit yourself. Bodies are attributed properties, such as gender, age and sexuality, based on internalized frameworks and typologies. From a phenomenological perspective (Merleau-Ponty 1962), the body is understood as an active agent in the social world, deeply informed past the sociocultural context in which information technology is embedded, and intimately interwoven into every social process. Experiences of the past are embodied and remembered, not merely as stored information in the brain, but equally a totality of the subject area, allowing the individual to respond to present circumstances based on the past (Fuchs 2012). The present study will present results that bear witness how dynamic notions of gender influence the way male person victims make sense of their experience of sexual assault over time and also how these gendered experiences are played out in everyday life.
Method
This qualitative enquiry was conducted by employing an interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA). The IPA was chosen because information technology involves a thorough examination of the participants' subjective and lived experience—the meaning they adhere to this feel and the way they make sense of what has happened to them, including their emotional responses (Smith et al. 2009). The report explores the about common experiences shared by ten cisgender male adults (straight, gay or bisexual) who have been sexually assaulted.
Participants
The study participants were primarily recruited by advertising in a Swedish paper. The sample of men had experienced severe sexual assail, including completed or attempted anal, vaginal or oral intercourse, penetration with objects, and sexual activeness without penetration. These violations had been the result of physical violence or the use of psychological tactics. A number of the men had grown upwards in violent and disorganized families, which included having witnessed or experienced physical and emotional abuse both inside and outside the habitation. Table i provides some information about the participants and the type of sexual assaults they had experienced.
The ages of the ten participants were relatively evenly distributed, only there is something of a cluster effectually the age of 50. At the time of the interview, the majority described themselves as heart course, which includes factors such as being in employment, their housing situation and having a adept educational background. Vii of the men had post-secondary education (college or university). Vi men were in stable co-habiting relationships, while iv were unmarried. Eight of the men identified themselves as heterosexual while two identified themselves as homosexual. All the participants had Swedish citizenship, only a few originated from other western European countries.
Data Drove and Analysis
The information collection in this phenomenological report involved the use of multiple, semi-structured, in-depth interviews. The participants were interviewed on two dissever occasions. Each interview lasted approximately ane–two h and they took identify a week apart. Participants were asked questions about their experiences of sexual assault, how they take responded to these experiences, and how they accept affected them in everyday life. Many of the respondents spontaneously shared written cloth, such every bit notes, letters, articles, books, poetry and music, which they had produced in response to their experiences of sexual attack. This cloth was mainly used as background information and as a complement to the in-depth interviews and information technology was not included in the analysis. All interviews were digitally recorded and transcribed. The information analysis steps involved coding and highlighting sentences or quotations that represent the thoughts and lived experience of the participants. Each instance was separately analyzed in particular, and this was followed by a search for repetitions, connections, similarities and differences beyond all cases (Smith 2011). Clusters of meaning from the quotations were thus developed into themes. Researchers who apply IPA recognize that the lived experience of the participants is not reached in a straightforward manner. Rather, they must appoint in a double hermeneutic (Giddens 1987), which means that the researchers interpret the participants' interpretations of what has happened to them (Smith et al. 2009). The narratives of the study participants are intimate, gendered and emotionally charged. The men take presented their memories of a past experience, i.e. a retention that is shaped by the contemporary sociocultural context. In gild to reduce possible research biases and to discuss and reverberate on our interpretations of the information, both the author and co-author were engaged in the process of assay. By bringing our different backgrounds, experiences, values and gender perspectives to our analysis and writing, we have been able to reflect on our understandings of the complexity of the narratives and the lived experiences of the report participants. Since both a male and a female researcher have been involved in the analysis, nosotros have been able to explore how notions of gender affect the male victims' understandings of sexual assault from unlike gendered perspectives.
Ethics
Research on sexual violence is a sensitive topic as information technology uncovers painful experiences. During such interviews, participants may disclose information that they rarely address or never share. To minimize harm, participants were well informed nearly the aim of the study, including the enquiry questions, prior to the interviews. Throughout the written report, any signs of discomfort were given a high priority. Data about professional person organizations that provide counselling to victims of sexual attack was given to the participants, and these organizations could be contacted in cases of emotional distress following the interviews. During information drove, none of the participants had whatsoever serious mental health issues, such as suicidal thoughts, depression or psychosis, and none of them were involved in a violent intimate relationship (exclusion criteria). Participants with recent experiences of sexual assault (i.east. less than eighteen months prior to the interviews) were excluded. This time frame was set to ensure that the participants would be ready to talk well-nigh their experiences. The participant with the virtually contempo feel was sexually assaulted 5 years prior to the interviews. The research was approved past the Regional Ethical Review Lath in Lund, Sweden.
Results
Four themes emerged from the analysis with regard to how the participants empathise, process and articulate their experiences of sexual assault equally gendered, embodied and melancholia subjects: (a) conflicting feelings and hard conceptualizations, (b) re-experiencing vulnerability, (c) emotional responses and resistance, and (d) disclosure and inventiveness. The first two themes can exist linked to the bodily assail while the latter ii themes business concern ways of processing and articulating the experience. The 4 themes are strongly interwoven. The narratives in the respective themes should non exist read as a linear or chronological process that starts with the assault then looks at the bear on it has had over the life course. The embodied experience of sexual set on is not merely an association to an assault that took identify at a sure time in one's life, but is rather intimately woven into the participants' beingness every bit a whole.
Conflicting Feelings and Hard Conceptualizations
The study participants demonstrated a certain ambivalence when they were asked to ascertain their experience of sexual assault. Only three respondents referred to their experience using the term "rape"—cases which included astringent physical violence and forced anal penetration. The bulk of men chose to define their experience as sexual assault. 1 participant explained: "The sexual assail included many different sexual acts, just information technology was not violent. He did not hold me downward. He did non strength me in that way" (Resp two). Other participants too explained how subtle forms of coercion and manipulation in relation to the sexual acts made them uncertain about how to define their experience. Respondent 4, who was sexually abused by a teacher at a boarding school, explained that he felt worried that if he did not do what the teacher asked, so all the privileges he had and needed to practice well in sports would exist withdrawn. Another participant drew attention to the use of blackmail: "He said he would tell my partner and family that I was adulterous if I did non have sex activity with him" (Resp nine). The lack of physical violence in relation to the sexual acts fabricated conceptualization hard for the men.
A frequently addressed topic was the men'southward conflicting perceptions about their ain interest and responsibility in the assault. I man, who was attracted past gifts provided by the perpetrator, explained: "Afterward, I was so aback by my greediness to get that t-shirt" (Resp vii). Another participant told of how he had enjoyed the attending and concrete arousal but simultaneously felt disgusted: "It was a mixed feeling of revulsion and confirmation" (Resp six). Respondent 2 connects his experience of kid sexual corruption to a lack of affection from his parents, saying: "It was not only unpleasant. It was probably l–fifty. At that place was someone who really touched me physically, and that was squeamish, but I knew that information technology was incorrect. I should have said no." Defining their experience as sexual assault becomes difficult when the men experience that they permit it happen or enjoyed parts of it.
A few participants who were sexually abused in childhood described feelings of being special. Some were treated as special by the perpetrator while others believed they were special because they had acquired more knowledge or special abilities equally a result of their early sexualization. Participants reported beingness proud over their ability to masturbate at an early historic period—something that their friends had non yet learned. This can be linked to the internalization of norms nearly male sexuality, which view sexual prowess as positive. Respondent 5 recounted:
When I was 14 or 15, I used to think that I was special, as I had had sex, which I suppose I had, but I had homosexual sex. I was very pleased with the fact that I was non a virgin, until I realized that it was not that kind of sexual practice you were supposed to accept. (Resp. 5)
Like Respondent five, other participants also revealed that they had realized later on in life that what they had previously interpreted as being special in a adept sense, was, on the contrary, something that instead makes them strange, odd or different, thus generating feelings of breach.
5 men discussed how their experience of sexual assault had prompted them to question their sexual identity. This blazon of business was mentioned by both heterosexual and homosexual participants. Respondent seven explained that the question "Am I gay now?" had worried him for many years, every bit he knew that being gay was not something that yous were supposed to be co-ordinate to the prevailing gender norms in the context in which he grew upwardly. He continued: "Now I but feel ashamed that I fifty-fifty felt that manner nigh gay men. Sadly plenty, I did not know the divergence between homosexuals and pedophiles when I was young." These v respondents admitted that they used to exist worried most being perceived as gay if people found out nigh their experience of sexual assault, only stated that these concerns were no longer relevant. On the reverse, all participants emphasized existence open towards all genders and sexualities. Respondent 5 even explained that he had tried to be gay at 1 betoken in his life, as he idea information technology would provide a logical explanation for having been sexually assaulted.
All the in a higher place quotations show that the context in which the sexual assault took place makes conceptualization difficult, leaving the victims with alien feelings such as pleasure and disgust, want and fear, specialness and deviancy. The study participants rarely perceived the sexual acts equally vehement but rather focused on the context in which the acts were performed (i.e. how they were performed and past whom). Their conflicting feelings brand them question their gender, sexuality and whether they as victims resisted enough.
Re-experiencing Vulnerability
The majority of the study participants provided various accounts of how they had relived their feel of sexual assault many times during their lives via flashbacks or potent, brilliant and emotional memories. Participants said that these flashbacks or memories emerged when they saw, heard or smelled something that could be connected to the attack. Respondent 4 described how he had reacted when he saw a grouping of men wearing similar clothing to the teachers who had abused him sexually or physically:
I was standing on the street waiting for the bus when I saw them. I had not seen such a group of men for maybe 40 years, a group of maybe fifteen men wearing their black wearable down to here [to the ankles] and cummerbunds. My whole body reacted. I could not move, and I had murderous feelings. […] The point of my story concerns potency. I get pain in my breadbasket equally a result. It is about the structure and the practise of power within information technology. Information technology makes me experience ill—the hierarchy—[with] someone disgusting abusing his position of power. (Resp 4)
The group of men that Respondent iv ran into did not have anything to practice with the abuse. Withal, their appearance triggered memories of difficult times for the respondent. The business relationship reveals that sexual attack is almost ability, non only in the state of affairs in which the set on took place, but besides years after the violation occurred, via the recalling and reliving of the experience. The body remembers past violence as if it were happening again. A number of other study participants made like references when describing situations in which they had unintentionally run into their perpetrators years after the sexual assault had occurred. Respondent seven said: "I saw him, to my big surprise, a few years agone. I froze completely. I could not movement. All those years didn't matter. I was a child over again. Alone, without back up, trying to think clearly but unable to do so." This man was not merely experiencing a concrete response merely also described a sense of transformation. In a separate second, he was a kid again, standing in front of his perpetrator. Sexual assault is about power, creating a victim that the perpetrator can make shake and sweat by a mere glimpse or a flashback. The victim is reminded of the power relation and the vulnerable situation he experienced, retaining the sense of beingness defenseless and ever vulnerable to potential threats.
This accent on the exercise of power in experiences of sexual assault was mainly expressed in cases in which the perpetrator had been male person. Ane human being, who had experienced forced sexual intercourse by a female perpetrator, has a different fashion of understanding the assault:
I was in a very unpleasant situation. I could not act as I wanted to or ward off the attack, mainly because of the situation we were in and the relation I had to her. I could have used concrete violence to make her terminate, just I did not. I have non felt hurt past the incident even though she used a lot of physical violence. Every bit the years have passed, I have made the incident kind of romantic instead, so that it has become more of a nice experience, not just "I was attacked!" and all that. (Resp 6)
The respondent emphasizes the minimal impact of the sexual set on, fifty-fifty though he recognizes that the sexual activity was coerced and included concrete violence. Time is recognized as having an impact on the mode the victim conceptualizes the sexual assault. He has called to encounter the violation in more positive terms over the years, coping with the experience by turning it into something positive rather than a violation. While other study participants described sexual violence perpetrated by men as coercive, violent and powerful, this participant is coping with the feel past feeling flattered past the incident in accordance with norms of male sexuality.
Emotional Responses and Resistance
The bulk of study participants spoke at length about how they have developed a sure sensitivity post-obit their experience of sexual assault. Respondent 3 clarifies this further:
I react very strongly when I run into violence. I hate physical violence. I practise not want to encounter people or animals exposed to violence. Information technology has to do with the fact that I feel their vulnerability. Even in war, I feel their insecurity, loneliness, powerlessness and the violence. (Resp. 3)
In a like manner, all the respondents described how, over the years, they have opposed or taken an active stance against violence in various means. Seeing other people or animals exposed to violence and injustice becomes a reminder of one'southward ain experience, meaning that one can easily experience the pain and vulnerability in that state of affairs oneself. Several men also described having developed something like a sixth sense based on their lived feel. Respondent 10 explained: "I take become totally oversensitive, even allergic y'all might say. I encounter and experience violence, pedophiles and hypersexual men from miles away. I react instantly and long before other people fifty-fifty detect." Lived experience means being familiar with an incident and immediately recognizing the characteristics of the complicated situation. Being oversensitive may result in always existence on the spotter for dangers, which many of participants reported. It may also effect in acrimony and outbursts of rage. In fact, one-half of the participants described anger as an emotion that affects their fashion of acting in the world and their relationships with other people. Others described their anger equally something that has vanished over the years, gradually becoming transformed into sorrow. According to Respondent 4, anger has played a major function in how he has felt and acted in his life, and he mentioned feeling homicidal rage (related in an earlier quotation) when he saw a group of men wearing similar clothing to that which the perpetrators had worn. Respondent iv related his anger to the power structures in which he grew up, to the feeling of existence powerless in what he described as patriarchal structures, and the civilisation of men. Respondent 3 described the same reasoning as underlying his actions:
When I was effectually twenty, I lived out all the aggressions I had accumulated at school. I became very rebellious. I was already institutionally damaged, meaning that I was not afraid of beingness defenseless by the police. I was not afraid of being punished anymore. I nonetheless have a need to annoy authorities, but nowadays I do it verbally instead. (Resp 3)
4 participants, including Respondents 3 and iv, reported that they had go involved in criminal activity when they were younger every bit a way of interim out the anger that they felt in relation to the powerless situation they had experienced when they were sexually assaulted. They reported having been involved in stealing and crashing cars, selling booze and drugs illegally, and too in reckless driving, robbery and violence. Two participants also reported turning their anger confronting themselves, among other things in the form of suicidal thoughts and self-injury. A few take spent fourth dimension in prison for the crimes they have committed, but most of the study participants did not finish upwardly every bit criminals despite their early interest in such activities. Respondent 3 all the same reacts against and resists his experience of physical and sexual violence, using words instead of criminal activities. Even so, Respondent 4 explained that, despite having a skilful and prosperous life, he withal feels the need to shoplift. He regularly steals trivial things, like cookies at an expensive or fancy café that he may dislike, simply in guild to resist and oppose the structures of power.
Some participants did not recognize themselves as angry at all merely however pointed out that they have issues with authorities and sure types of power relations. In fact, equally many as seven participants described that they repeatedly or during certain periods of their lives have ended upwards in conflicts with colleagues and managers at work. Many participants described similar experiences to those of Respondent ii:
I take conflicts and disagreements with my bosses and male government, and I react intensely. I am very vulnerable, easily offended, and I respond negatively to criticism. Men in positions of ability—I nonetheless have issues with that sometimes, in detail those manly men in their fifties. (Resp ii)
The above description points to how study participants sensitize and respond to unbalanced ability relations in everyday life. The men who were sexually assaulted by other men specifically referred to patriarchal structures and the culture of masculinity as extremely provocative. Respondent seven stated: "I could accept been a male person chauvinist like many in my surroundings, but I am not. I am then grateful because the experience of sexual abuse has opened my eyes and my perspective." The men in the study are able to talk nigh the heavy toll the feel of sexual assault has had on their lives, describing how they display feelings such as anger, sadness, empathy, vulnerability and feet. They are too able to reverberate on how their experiences accept changed their worldviews and gender perspectives in a more than positive mode.
Disclosure and Creativity
All the study participants had disclosed their experience of sexual assault to families and friends, but deeper conversations were said to be avoided more often than not. They related this to their feelings of embarrassment or shame, which were rooted in the intimidating nature of the violation and the conflicting perceptions about their ain involvement and responsibility in the assault. 1 participant said: "I mentioned it to my wives, only I have spared them the details" (Resp 6). Similarly, the other participants reported only mentioning their experience, fugitive details and feelings in situations involving face-to-face interactions. One homo explained: "I do not have a trouble talking near what happened present, but people react differently when they hear about male rape, and that can sometimes be extremely hurtful" (Resp 8). Perceived or actual social responses are key to understanding why the report participants tend to avoid disclosure. The majority of men also described difficulties in accepting being perceived as a victim, in terms of an identity. One participant clarified this in the following way: "I am non a victim, and I do not want to be looked at as if I am a victim. Therefore, I do not talk near it generally, only with people who have knowledge nearly these bug, similar professionals and researchers" (Resp ix). Beingness seen as a powerless victim of sexual violence is particularly difficult for men, every bit this transgresses conventional norms of masculinity. Like many other participants, Respondent 9 resists victimhood by refusing to talk well-nigh the traumatic experience with those around him. Instead, he relays his feel but to those who are able to embrace the narrative, such every bit professionals.
During the interviews, a number of the men tended to minimize the severity of their own victimization by drawing attention to, comparing and referring to other people's experiences of sexual set on. Both Respondents one and 3 spoke at length near how their younger brothers had suffered from various forms of extreme violence, both physical and sexual. Respondents 4 and 7 referred to the famous Swedish former high jumper Patrik Sjöberg's Footnote i experiences of child sexual abuse equally being far worse than their own feel. Mitigating the seriousness of one's own experience of sexual assault may be a way of coping with difficult or painful memories or of fugitive or denying personal experiences. Sensitizing other people's exposure to violence also constitutes a show of empathy.
4 of the study participants revealed that they turned to therapy in an effort to empathize and process their experience and to improve their psychosocial well-being. About of the men too relied on various forms of cocky-care strategies, which all came in the form of creative expression. Three men articulated their experience by writing books, poetry, manuscripts or diaries and notes. 4 other participants have composed music to help them understand their experience and express their emotions in relation to information technology. Respondent 1 described this as follows:
My lyrics and my music guided me to remember my suppressed feel. I was able to formulate my experience symbolically through music. First, unconsciously, I did not understand what was going on. I kept the songs to myself initially; I did non want to betrayal them publicly. Afterward, I was amazed by people's positive responses to the emotional messages in the songs. Music and composing became my costless zone. (Resp 1)
Here, inventiveness is a response to hard circumstances. Similar Respondent one, other study participants also described inventiveness equally a style of both escaping from and seeking solutions to the pain and distress acquired by the traumatic experience. Creativity is a way of trying to understand and articulate the experience without necessarily revealing the exact content of the experience to others; merely more than importantly, it is a way of expressing emotions. Respondent 4 explained that his poesy, with its focus on issues of war and political instability on a global calibration, actually conceals memories of his childhood, since he grew up in an environs characterized by various forms of physical, emotional, political and sexual violence. By writing poetry and working professionally with bug of violence, Respondent 4 is processing his memories in his own fashion. Respondent 3 reported: "Creating music became my way of reaching out to other people and to society more than by and large. Past writing provocative songs most authorities, I could express, or even avenge, my personal and subjective experience." The study participants use their creativity as a way to express emotions and resist power, violence, and norms of masculinity. Thus, they receive confirmation from others and feel less powerless as they accept back at least parts of what they once lost. The men described this as a long but worthwhile procedure, emphasizing that they all feel much meliorate today than previously.
Discussion
The aim of this phenomenological research project was to understand how men make sense of their experiences of sexual assault equally gendered, embodied and affective subjects. Past focusing on men'south engagement with norms of masculinity, the findings provide a nuanced picture show of how men empathise, procedure and clear their lived experience. The findings demonstrate that embodied experience of sexual assail is a dynamic, rich and complex psychosocial process that takes identify in interaction with the cocky, others and lodge at large. The history of sexual set on remains present in the lives of the victims through body memory, while dynamic notions of gender strongly shape and influence the victims' lived bodily engagements and negotiations over fourth dimension.
Previous research has recognized that male person victims of sexual assail experience self-blaming attitudes and alien thoughts nearly their masculinity and sexuality (Davies 2002; Mezey and King 1989; Struckman-Johnson and Struckman-Johnson 1994; Tewksbury 2007; Walker et al. 2005). This is also evident in the findings from the present study, with the participants reporting difficulties in conceptualizing the sexual assault based on their expectations and ideas nearly what such violations should or should not include. Conflicting feelings, such as pleasure and cloy, desire and fright, specialness and deviancy, innocence and guilt, have a profound impact on the victims (cf. Alaggia and Millington 2008). The narratives demonstrate the dynamics of this disruptive process past illuminating the way sexual set on is interpreted and reinterpreted over fourth dimension. Ane instance of this concerns the participants who realized that they were not the special person they had thought they were as a result of their early on sexualization. Others who had enjoyed some parts of the sexual assault explained that they had gradually understood that they were victims of what is today considered to exist 1 of the most terrible crimes one can be exposed to. Thus, the participants clarified how an experience in the by can be re-experienced and re-interpreted in new contexts or in the calorie-free of new knowledge. The actions performed many years ago may be seen as actions of a new kind. Thus, the manner the participants understand their experience of sexual assault changes over fourth dimension. The victims deal with their experience in a changing world past positioning and repositioning the self in relation to that world (Hacking 1999). In this process, the men also negotiate and renegotiate norms of masculinity.
Studies have suggested that men and women experience violence from dissimilar power and gender relations (Draucker 2003; Getz 2011; Sundaram et al. 2004). Existing literature demonstrates that sexually assaulted men notice it especially difficult to accept victimhood (O'Leary and Hairdresser 2008). This is understandable considering, co-ordinate to widespread and culturally accustomed norms of masculinity in western contexts, men are expected to be powerful, dominant, fearless, aggressive, stoic, virile and potent, which are attributes by which men assert ability over one another (Connell 1995). Thus, experiencing sexual assault is the antonym of these ideas of masculinity. The men in the electric current written report described the experience of male power, domination and control every bit especially intimidating, agonizing and threatening. In fact, the experience of the exercise of such ability becomes inscribed into the body retention and is re-experienced many times throughout the life course (Fuchs 2012). The power and control of the male perpetrator damaged the male person victims' own sense of power and command, challenging their notions of self. The study participants described not only how they lost themselves in confusing conceptualizations and conflicting ideas and feelings related to the violation merely also how they lost their sense of beingness able to defend themselves, which fabricated them highly sensitive to imbalanced, unequal and gendered interpersonal relationships and potential dangers in everyday life. In the process of understanding and making sense of their confusion, vulnerability and sensitivity, the report participants had to confront and negotiate their masculine identity. In doing this, the sexually assaulted men had to both engage with conventional masculine ideals and avoid existence affected by the characteristics and experiences that stand in contrast to these ideals (Kia-Keating et al. 2005).
The findings reveal not only that the study participants were challenged by conventional masculine ideals, and in particular those related to anger, violence, sexuality, sexual identity and stoicism, but also how these ideals were renegotiated. Anger and violence may be a culturally acceptable way for men in western contexts to express emotions (Connell 2000), and the literature identifies acrimony and violence as a common response to sexual assault amongst men (Tewksbury 2007). The men in the nowadays study recognized anger as a common emotional response to their experience but mainly emphasized that they used to be aggressive and tearing when they were younger. At the fourth dimension of the interviews, the majority of participants described feeling disgusted by violence and that they engaged in diverse forms of anti-violent activities. The existing literature identifies homophobia as having a profound touch on the way sexually assaulted men think of themselves equally gendered and sexual beings (Davies 2002; Mezey and King 1989; Walker et al. 2005). The written report participants described that they used to be worried near not being heterosexual but besides explained that they had shifted to more than liberal and open ideas of gender and sexuality, embracing pro-gay attitudes. The men in the current study were also challenged by ideas of stoicism, which can be seen in the way they reaffirmed their masculinity by trying to avoid disclosure or past minimizing and trivializing the severity of their feel. Withal, the majority of the men had found creative means of processing, displaying and articulating their emotions. Research shows that in that location are various and gendered ways of expressing emotional experiences, and that some men employ music in particular as a manner to deal with emotions (de Boise 2016). The production of music, art or literature tin be seen as one of the few culturally accepted spheres in which men are allowed and expected to limited and share their emotions. Most of the study participants embraced this sphere of creative expression as a form of self-help to sympathize, process and articulate their feel and to heal. Several of the written report participants who limited themselves artistically described this as a sphere in which they are gratuitous to be emotional and to resist injustice and unequal power relations. The participants both processed and resisted their experiences of sexual assault years after the violations had occurred by gradually adopting an alternative masculinity. This is consistent with other findings which advise that the renegotiation of masculinity (i.e. both the maintenance and resistance of conventional masculine ethics) is an of import process for victims in healing from a traumatic past (Crete and Singh 2015; Forde and Duvvory 2017; Kia-Keating et al. 2005).
Therapy for victims of sexual assault and other forms of violence can be characterized as a process in which the therapist identifies and treats the harmful furnishings of the experience. In this regard, both the clinical and research literature on the negative psychological impacts of male sexual assault perceives the torso every bit a biological fact, and every bit reacting to a specific stimulus in the environment. When focusing on the psychological impacts of violence, this field of enquiry often talks about the men rather than conceptualizing them as active and subjective agents who are responding to their social context based on their lived experience. According to response-based therapy (Wade 1997), individuals do not react to violence according to a ready of pre-established patterns. When individuals are distressed, researchers and therapists can achieve an understanding of that distress by listening to how the individuals respond to their subjective feel (Wade 1997). In this process, engaging clients in conversations about the nature of their resistance against violence has proven useful, equally it helps the clients see that they are not passive, helpless and vulnerable victims (i.e. that they did not only let it happen and that they were not defective in boundaries or cocky-esteem and are therefore not to blame for the assault) (Renoux and Wade 2008). Forms of resistance depend on diverse factors, such as the historical and sociocultural context, the circumstances of a given setting and the relationship between the people involved in the violence. This study demonstrates that dynamic notions of gender inform the way men brand sense of their experiences of sexual attack, including their responses. The men in the written report responded to their experience of sexual set on by resisting a restricted emotionality (i.east. they became angry, pitiful, anxious, oversensitive or extremely warning and cautious, and used creative outlets to reach and limited emotions). They responded to their experiences by resisting victimhood and by avoiding deeper contiguous conversations in everyday life nigh what had happened to them. Victims of sexual assault can be supported by counselling that focuses on responses, simply information technology should also include the provision of support on how to deconstruct the gender organisation of which the victims are a role (Kia-Keating et al. 2005; Lisak 1995). Whether men are victims of kid sexual abuse or developed sexual assault, helping them to identify their responses and resistance to violence, and the function gender plays in the process of understanding sexual assault, will enable them to make sense of their experience, to gain control over it and to ameliorate their well-being.
The findings of this report are limited by the relatively small sample size, which is adequate for the purposes of IPA (Smith 2011). Nevertheless, a larger and more various sample, including transgendered and gender nonconforming persons and participants with various religious, cultural and ethnic backgrounds would be desirable to make comparisons. The current findings should be understood in relation to the specific cultural context in which the participants alive their everyday lives. A bias can be noted in the sample, equally the study participants tended to represent a more cogitating and culturally expressive kind of homo who actively seeks solutions to meliorate his well-being.
Conclusion
The narratives provided in this article extend our understanding of how men make sense of their experience of sexual assail. Despite many years having passed since the men's assaults took place, their experiences remain present in everyday life through flashbacks and strong emotional memories. The history of sexual assault is an ongoing issue that challenges the sexually assaulted men in diverse ways. In order to alive with their embodied experience, the victims must find ways to suffer it. By both engaging with and contesting conventional masculine ideals, the study participants accept adopted an alternative masculine identity. This alternative masculinity stands in stark contrast to the masculine attributes that the victims assign to their perpetrators. Dynamic notions of masculinity thus play an of import role for the wellness and well-beingness of the male person victims of sexual assault.
Notes
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Patrik Sjöberg is a quondam world record holder in the high jump. In an autobiography published in 2011, Sjöberg revealed his feel of the childhood sexual corruption perpetrated by his stepfather, who was also his athletics bus.
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Acknowledgements
The authors would like to thank the participants in this study for sharing their life stories, insights and perspectives.
Funding
This study was funded past The Swedish Crime Victim Compensation and Support Say-so (Brottsoffermyndigheten).
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Petersson, C.C., Plantin, L. Breaking with Norms of Masculinity: Men Making Sense of Their Experience of Sexual Assail. Clin Soc Piece of work J 47, 372–383 (2019). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10615-019-00699-y
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DOI : https://doi.org/x.1007/s10615-019-00699-y
Keywords
- Male sexual assault
- Masculinity
- Embodied feel
- Phenomenology
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